Saturday, 2 August 2014
Friday, 1 August 2014
Kem Sokha summoned to court again over violent clash [Is Hun Sen negotiating on the one hand and pointing guns at the CNRP's heads on the other hand?]
PHNOM PENH (The Cambodia Herald) -- The Phnom Penh Municipal Court asked vice president of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) to reappear at the court on August 11st over the violent clash last month.
The subpoena was issued Thursday by a Phnom Penh investigating judge Keo Mony, and was obtained by the CNRP on the same day.
Kem Sokha appeared at the court on July 25 in the name of CNRP's vice president.
During the hearing, the judge asked Sokha where he was when the violent protest occurred at the Freedom Park, and he replied he was in Kampong Cham province, and later was allowed to leave the court.
Phnom Penh Court summons Kem Sokha and seven opposition lawmakers-elect and one activist តុលាការកោះហៅលោក កឹម សុខា និងសមាជិក៨នាក់ទៀតចូលបំភ្លឺជាថ្មីនៅថ្ងៃ១១សីហា
សាលាដំបូងរាជធានីភ្នំពេញ បានកោះហៅសមាជិកគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ចំនួន ៩នាក់ ក្នុងនោះមាន លោក កឹម សុខា ផង ឲ្យចូលខ្លួនទៅបំភ្លឺនៅសាលាដំបូងរាជធានីភ្នំពេញ នៅថ្ងៃទី១១ សីហា ខាងមុខ សាកសួរអំពីការដឹកនាំធ្វើបាតុកម្មកាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៥ កក្កដា នោះ។
ការកោះហៅនេះ អ្នកឃ្លាំមើលផ្នែកសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស និងអ្នកវិភាគ សម្ដែងការភ្ញាក់ផ្អើល នៅពេលគណបក្សទាំងពីរចរចាជាកញ្ចប់ ដើម្បីបញ្ចប់ជម្លោះនយោបាយ និងដោះលែងបេក្ខជនតំណាងរាស្ត្រគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ឲ្យនៅក្រៅឃុំវិញ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី២២ កក្កដា តែឥឡូវបែរជាតុលាការកោះហៅសាកសួរវិញ ដែលគេចាត់ទុកថា តុលាការជាឧបករណ៍របស់អ្នកនយោបាយ។
សមាជិកគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ចំនួន ៩រូប ក្នុងនោះមានទាំង លោក កឹម សុខា ផង នឹងចូលខ្លួនទៅបំភ្លឺនៅសាលាដំបូងរាជធានីភ្នំពេញ នៅថ្ងៃទី១១ សីហា តាមដីកាកោះរបស់តុលាការទាក់ទង និងសំណុំរឿងចាស់ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៥ កក្កដា ចំពោះការដឹកនាំធ្វើបាតុកម្មនៅក្បែរទីលានប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។
ចៅក្រមសាលាដំបូងរាជធានីភ្នំពេញ លោក កែវ មុនី ចេញដីកាកោះហៅ លោក កឹម សុខា ជាអ្នកទទួលខុសត្រូវក្នុងនាមជាមេដឹកនាំគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ឲ្យចូលខ្លួនទៅសាលាដំបូងរាជធានីភ្នំពេញ នៅថ្ងៃទី១១ វេលាម៉ោង ១០ព្រឹក ដើម្បីសួរបញ្ជាក់បន្ថែមក្នុងនាមខ្លួនជាមេដឹកនាំគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ។
លោក កឹម សុខា ចាត់ទុកការកោះហៅរបស់ចៅក្រមនេះជារឿងនយោបាយ ពីព្រោះលោកបញ្ជាក់ថា កាលពីលោកចូលខ្លួននៅសាលាដំបូងរាជធានីភ្នំពេញនោះ ចៅក្រមសួរលោកតែមួយសំណួរទេ ហើយក៏ប្រាប់ថា តុលាការបញ្ចប់សំណុំរឿងរបស់លោក ព្រោះលោកគ្មានអ្វីពាក់ព័ន្ធទេ៖ «សំឡេង»។
ដោយឡែកបេក្ខជនតំណាងរាស្ត្រជាប់ឆ្នោតគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ៧រូប និងសមាជិកគណបក្សនេះមួយរូបទៀត ក៏ត្រូវតុលាការកោះហៅទៅសាកសួរនៅថ្ងៃទី១១ កក្កដា ដែរ។
The two parties to jointly discuss about the draft amendment to the constitution បក្សទាំងពីរនឹងពិភាក្សាលើសេចក្ដីព្រាងវិសោធនកម្មរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញរួមគ្នា
លោកឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ស ខេង និងជាមន្ត្រីជាន់ខ្ពស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា បានផ្ញើសេចក្ដីព្រាងមកគណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិវិញហើយ អំពីការវិសោធនកម្មរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ ដែលសំដៅដល់ការដាក់ស្ថាប័នរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតជាស្ថាប័នធម្មនុញ្ញនោះ។
មន្ត្រីជាន់ខ្ពស់គណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិ និងជាប្រធានក្រុមការងារវិសោធនកម្មរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ លោក អេង ឆៃអ៊ាង ឲ្យដឹងថា នៅព្រឹកថ្ងៃទី៣១ កក្កដានេះ លោក ស ខេង បានផ្ញើសេចក្ដីព្រាងមកគណបក្ស សង្រ្គោះជាតិវិញ។ លោកបញ្ជាក់ថាក្រុមការងារគណបក្សទាំងពីរនឹងជួបគ្នានៅរសៀលថ្ងៃទី១សី ហា ដើម្បីពិភាក្សាគ្នាអំពីសេចក្ដីព្រាងរបស់គណបក្សទាំងពីរ ក្នុងការធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញនេះរួមគ្នា។
នៅក្នុងសេចក្ដីព្រាងរបស់គណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិ ផ្ញើទៅលោក ស ខេង កាលពីថ្ងៃទី៣០ កក្កដា នោះ គឺគណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិ ចង់ធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ មាត្រា ៧៦ និងបង្កើតជំពូកទី ១៥ថ្មី នៃរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញអំពីអង្គការរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោត ក្នុងនោះទាមទារឲ្យសមាជិកកំពូល គ.ជ.ប មាន អភ័យឯកសិទ្ធិ មានថវិកាស្វ័យភាពរបស់ខ្លួនជាដើម។
នៅក្នុងលិខិតរបស់លោក ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ស ខេង ឆ្លើយតបទៅលោក សម រង្ស៊ី ជាប្រធានគណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិវិញនោះ គឺលោកយោងទៅលើសេចក្ដីព្រាងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា កាលពីថ្ងៃទី២២កក្កដា ដែលគណបក្សទាំងពីរធ្លាប់បានពិភាក្សាគ្នា ហើយមិនត្រូវរ៉ូវគ្នានោះ។ នៅក្នុង សេចក្ដីព្រាងរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា អំពីការធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ មាត្រា៧៦នេះ មិន បានបញ្ជាក់អំពី សមាជិកគ.ជ.ប ដាក់ឲ្យមានអភ័យឯកសិទ្ធិនោះឡើយ និងមានករណីជាច្រើនទៀត ដែលខុសគ្នា។
ទោះបីជាយ៉ាងនេះក្ដី លោក អេង ឆៃអ៊ាង អះអាងថា លោកមានជំនឿថា គណបក្សទាំងពីរនឹងមាន ចំណុចរួមក្នុងការធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញនេះ នៅក្នុងកិច្ចពិភាក្សានៅរសៀលថ្ងៃទី ១សីហានេះ។ លោកបន្ថែមថា លទ្ធផលយ៉ាងណានោះ នឹងរង់ចាំមើលការជួបគ្នាជាក់ស្ដែងទៀត៕
Sam Rainsy (L) shakes hand with Hun Sen as Sar Kheng looks on.
BY MECH DARA AND ALEX WILLEMYNS | AUGUST 1, 2014
CNRP President Sam Rainsy has sought to circumvent the methodical “working groups” established to finalize the details of the deal struck with Prime Minister Hun Sen last week by sending his own draft reforms to the government for approval.
Mr. Hun Sen and Mr. Rainsy on July 22 forged a deal for the CNRP’s 55 lawmakers to end their boycott of the National Assembly in exchange for an overhaul of the election commission, which the opposition party accuses of helping to rig last year’s election.
Three working groups then began negotiating the final details of the deal’s reforms, but two of the three adjourned until today and Monday, leading to accusations from Mr. Rainsy that the ruling CPP was stalling his party’s swearing-in.
He said Thursday that in order to bypass the tardy groups, he had sent Interior Minister Sar Kheng his own draft of a new constitutional chapter that enshrines the financial autonomy of a new “election organization” and gives its members immunity from prosecution.
“The final technical commissions are too slow, so we have to use a different procedure. This is why we took the initiative to write directly and expose directly on the table what we—[CNRP Vice President] Kem Sokha—and I, propose,” Mr. Rainsy said.
“The ball is in the CPP’s court, because we are waiting for a final reply. If the CPP agrees to our latest proposal…the way is cleared for our going to the swearing-in ceremony.”
Mr. Kheng, speaking to reporters at a governance ceremony at the Phnom Penh Hotel Thursday morning, confirmed he received Mr. Rainsy’s draft chapter and was reviewing it.
Dear friends and compatriots,
No one would disagree that the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces should not be under Hun Sen. Not even the police forces.
What is the situation we have to deal with: from dictatorship to democracy and rule of law.
Here is the fact:
I went to prison with other MPs. We face the army, the police, the hired security guards during the months of protests. We have seen and heard from these forces' mouths and through their eyes that they are not with Hun Sen. Our soldiers and police want change and they voted for change.
The police men who arrested us at Freedom Park and those who handcuffed us had tears in their eyes. The one who handcuffed me and interrogated me said with tears rolling down his cheeks: my conscience tells me that I am wrong. It hurts me to see you handcuffed but I must follow orders. We all have to follow orders or we risk being punished very severely.
In July 2013,, these forces voted for change. That is the first step. The next step is: Pay them decently. Train them properly. Recognize those who deserve merits. This also goes to the civil servants.
In the deal, CNRP has the Anti-Corruption Commissions and 4 others. As chairs we can investigate cases, we can issue independent reports, we bring the voices of the people into the parliament, we move towards reforms of national institutions.
It is a slow process but this process will set the ground for democracy and for transition for power sharing and moving to new power when we will go to the next elections by avoiding bloodshed.
Wishing that Hun Sen go away silently and willingly at this point is only a wish, until we move strategically:
Set the rules for free and fair elections. We have come half way thru the agreement; set the rules for the Loyal Opposition to function inside the National Assembly. Mr. Sam Rainsy is now a representative of the people and Leader of the Loyal Opposition. We chair 5 Commissions in Parliament. They are in the social sectors, and the most heated issues concern social justice.
We need to think long-term gains and formulate our strategies according to a time frame.
Image Credit: REUTERS/Stringer
There is much Cambodia can learn from the current crisis in Thailand about how political polarization can plunge the country into chaos. Despite the junta’s initiatives, politicians, scholars and the Thai public remain pessimistic about the chances of people of all political stripes living harmoniously under the one roof again.
Divisive politics are used by political parties around the world to advance their ambitions. It is a dangerous approach. If fragmentation becomes entrenched to the point where a majority of people can no longer tolerate differences in values, beliefs or opinions, restoring unity to the country becomes difficult, if not impossible.
Since the return of multiparty elections in 1993, Cambodia’s politics has been characterized by political deadlock. The one exception was the 2008 election, in which the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won a landslide victory. It normally takes months before the winning parties are able to hammer out a deal and end the usual postelection crisis. And politicians usually cite national reconciliation and unity as the main reason behind their decisions.
What is interesting about this reconciliation process is that it almost exclusively involves the political parties, with voters often left out of the talks. There may be good reason for this – after all, engaging too many people will delay the process or even make a deal impossible. But the downside of this process is that it is attracts widespread public scepticism. Every decision that the parties make comes under scrutiny. And if there is any sign that politicians will personally benefit from the deal, the whole reconciliation process is thrown into doubt.
This raises an important question as to whether the top-down approach is still relevant to Cambodia’s current political landscape. Of course, ending the deadlock remains essential, but it should be seen as the beginning of a long road to resolving the problem of political polarization. Politicians have to understand that simply reconciling their differences won’t necessarily bring their respective supporters together. In many cases, even if they are able to seal a deal, voters remain deeply suspicious of the opposing side.
The growing public discontent directed at Cambodia’s political parties clearly reflects this view. To achieve true reconciliation, then, the process must be extended to include everyone, regardless of political affiliation. This does not necessarily suggest that the public needs to be involved in every step of the deadlock negotiation, but Cambodians should have more say in deciding the future direction of the country.
This is no easy task. The parties need to go beyond their narrow definition of political reconciliation and embrace a long-term, nationwide solution. The most urgent task for the government right now is to rebuild public trust in political institutions, which is worryingly lacking in Cambodia. Violence will ensue if people no longer believe that they can solve their problems through formal political channels.
The latest bloody clash between riot police and opposition supporters on July 15, 2014 was a stark reminder of why it is so important for the government to address the problem of the deficit of trust if it is to prevent the country from becoming more politically polarized. Political leaders must work together to reduce tensions instead of playing the blame game over who is responsible for this violent incident.
Regarding the Phnom Penh Post article "Agreement a tough sell" published on July 24: It takes guts and wisdom for a leader to go sometimes against the tide of public opinion, especially that of his own supporters.
Here are a few examples:
• Charles de Gaulle in June 1940, when he called on the French to resist the German invasion while the majority followed Petain, who then struck a compromise with Hitler.
• Mitterrand in 1981, when he abolished the death penalty in France while the majority of the French people favoured capital punishment.
Here it took guts for Sam Rainsy to enter into a deal with Hun Sen, who has a history of harassing him.
After all, if the July 22, 2014, agreement is faithfully applied, the most important demand of the opposition – the overhaul of the National Election Committee – will be achieved and the next elections will be fair and acceptable to all parties.
It is not forbidden to hope that Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy will show mature statesmanship and travel together a portion of the road toward national reconciliation and Cambodian territorial integrity.
Propaganda and Punitive Invasions
Personal communication mobile of Pol Pot, at Anlong Veng.
by ANDRE VLTCHEK
Courtesy of CounterPunch.
As we enter the small city of Anlong Veng in the Dângrêk Mountains, located in the northwest of Cambodia, it begins to rain. The rain is powerful, but it is, after all a tropical rain, and it ends as unexpectedly as it begins.
We drive over the bridge, over some sort of dam, and suddenly, there is a beautiful but eerie lake in front of us.
“Just few years ago, this was the last stronghold of Khmer Rouge”, explained my friend, Song Heang. “Then, it was impossible to drive here just like that. There were no houses around. And the lake was like a swamp, impossible to cross.”
We drove all the way here, to visit the compound of the last military leaders of the Khmer Rouge, Ta Mok, the military chief, known as “Brother Number Five” or “the Butcher”. This is where he lived and this is where he commanded his troops from.
Ta Mok, the right hand of Pol Pot. Ta Mok, who split the movement, put Pol Pot under house arrest and most likely poisoned him. Ta Mok who commanded the army of several thousand Khmer Rouge loyalists, between 1979, when the Vietnamese forces ousted his movement from power, until 1999, when he was captured by government forces. Ta Mok died in custody in 2006, without ever being properly tried, or sentenced.
Ta Mok’s personal security man, his bodyguard who lived with him for years, San Reoung, is expecting us.
He is missing his left leg, and that is common among Cambodian civilians and combatants of his age. Ta Mok also lost one leg in the fighting.
There is actually only one thing that I want to know: how Communist was the Khmer Rouge, and was it the ideology, the Marxist ideology, that drew farmers to the ranks of the movement?
San Reoung thinks for a while, then replies, weighing each word:
“It was really not about the ideology… We did not know much about it. I was, for instance, very angry with the Americans. I became a soldier at the age of 17. And my friends were very angry, too. They joined Khmer Rouge to fight Americans, and especially the corruption of their puppet dictator Lon Nol, in Phnom Penh.”
Were people in the countryside aware of what was going on in the capital, before KR took power?
“Of course they were. The US gave so much support, so much money, to the corrupt Lon Nol regime. Everybody knew where it all went to: to countless lavish parties, to fancy prostitutes… The US bombed our countryside to the ground. Hundreds of thousands of people died. People went mad, they were indignant. And so many of them joined Khmer Rouge as a result.”
“Not because of Marxist ideology?” I asked again.
The battle to control Ta Krabey temple between Cambodian and Thai troops សមរភូមិប្រយុទ្ធរវាងថៃនិងកម្ពុជា ថៃយកប្រាសាទតាក្របីធ្វើជាលានដ្ឋាន
Cambodian and Thai troops fought over the control of Ta Krabey temple in around 2011. Here, Thai soldiers are seen to be using the temple as their base in which to attack Cambodian troops.
Earlier this week, Cambodia’s deputy prime minister and defense minister paid a visit to neighboring Thailand to strengthen military ties between the two countries. Thailand experienced a coup in May of this year that has left the country under the rule of a military junta, led by General Prayuth Chan-ocha. The Cambodian delegation was led by Defense Minister General Tea Banh who met with a variety of Thai military leaders, including Supreme Commander Thanasak Patimaprakon and General Prayuth. The visit marks the first high-level military meeting between the two countries since the Thai military seized power in May. The visit takes place amid accusations from Thailand that Cambodia is harboring anti-junta activists.
According to The Cambodia Daily, the Cambodian delegation expressed its confidence in the leadership of the Thai military junta, stating that they believed that the military will bring “peace and order” to Thailand and that Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, “understands the situation in Thailand very well.” Banh told the Cambodian media that the two sides discussed military cooperation without providing details about what specific topics were discussed. The Cambodian delegation also raised the issue of migrant workers.
Thursday, 31 July 2014
The opposition is eyeing two leading civil society figures and deputy party leader Kem Sokha’s daughter to fill the three remaining
slots the party holds on the nine-member National Election Committee, according to a high-level party source.
Cambodia National Rescue Party lawmaker-elect Kuoy Bunroeun has already been confirmed to take up one spot on the committee after vacating his parliamentary seat on Monday to make way for party leader Sam Rainsy, who was barred from running during last year’s poll.
The NEC is being overhauled as part of a deal struck last week between the ruling Cambodian People’s Party and the CNRP that saw the opposition agree to end its long-standing parliamentary boycott.
Four members of the revamped election body will be appointed by each party and both sides have already agreed that Pung Chhiv Kek, president of human rights group Licadho, will be the ninth “consensus” member, though she laid out detailed conditions she wants fulfilled beforehand in an interview with the Post yesterday.
A senior CNRP official who requested anonymity said yesterday that the party was considering Koul Panha, director of elections watchdog Comfrel; Yeng Virak, executive director of the Community Legal Education Center (CLEC); and CNRP deputy public affairs head Kem Monovithya for the remaining three
“It is 99 per cent [certain] that these four people will be the NEC members, because they possess clear skills in electoral affairs. No one would be able to order them to do what they wish, and the party has confidence in them,” the source said.
Monovithya, 32, also confirmed she was being considered as a candidate, but said “nothing has been decided yet”.
“The CNRP has asked me if I would be interested. I am still considering.”
Monovithya, who assumed her current position in April last year, has a master’s
degree ineconomics from the US and worked for the World Bank in Washington before joining the CNRP, which was formed when her father’s Human Rights Party merged with the Sam Rainsy Party before the 2013 election.
From 2003 to 2009, she worked in Cambodia for various NGOs and the Human Rights Party.
When a deal to end Cambodia's political deadlock hinged on two polarised political parties finding one person they could both tolerate, not many names sprung to mind.
One that did was Pung Chhiv Kek, the now
outgoing president of rights group Licadho who was able to bring then King Norodom Sihanouk and Prime Minister Hun Sen together for talks all the way back in 1987.
Selected as the on independent member of a new National Election Committee that will included four
members of the opposition and four from the government, she will effectively hold the balance of power over this crucial institution.
Kek sat down with State of
Play and told us about her hopes and worries.
លោកស្រី ពុង ឈាវកេកនឹងលាលែងចេញពីដំណែងជាប្រធានអង្គការលីកាដូនៅពេលដែលលោកស្រីនឹងចូលកាន់ដំណែងពេញសិទ្ធជាសមាជិកទី៩នៃស្ថាប័នគ.ជ.ប។ លោកស្រីសម្រេចបែបនេះដើម្បីធ្វើឲ្យប្រាកដថានឹងមិនមានទំនាស់ផលប្រយោជន៍ណាមួយនៅពេលដែលលោកស្រីបំពេញបេសកម្មដ៏មានសារសំខាន់នេះ។
លោកស្រីពុង ឈាវកេក គឺជាស្ត្រីអភិជនមួយរូបដែលជនរួមជាតិទទួលស្គាល់ថាបានចួលរួមចំណែកយ៉ាងសកម្មក្នុងការនាំសន្ធិសញ្ញាសន្តិភាពក្រុងប៉ារីសជូនដល់កម្ពុជា និងបានបូជាស៊ឹងតែមួយជីវិតរបស់លោកស្រីដើម្បីដឹកនាំពង្រឹងការអនុវត្តន៍សិទ្ធិមនុស្សនៅកម្ពុជា។
មនុស្សជាច្រើនជឿថាលោកស្រីគឺជាបុគ្គលស័ក្ដិសមបំផុតក្នុងការទទួលធ្វើជាសមាសភាពទី៩នៃគណៈកម្មាធិការជាតិរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោត (គ.ជ.ប) យ៉ាងហោចណាស់សម្រាប់អាណត្តិទី៦ ដើម្បីឈានដល់ការបញ្ចប់ការជាប់គាំងនយោបាយដែលតែងតែកើតមានជាដ៏រាបបន្ទាប់ពីការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិ។
លោកស្រី ពុង ឈីវកេក៖ បើ គជប ថ្មីនេះមិនមានការកែប្រែទេ ខ្ញុំនឹងលាលែងពីតំណែង (វីដេអូ)
By Adam Bray
While in Ratanakiri (northeastern Cambodia) on
assignment last month, I took a day off and asked me guide to show me some things that were "off the radar." I told him that I was especially interested in ancient temple complexes. My guide consulted an elder Jarai man who told him that he knew about a dozen undocumented temple ruins spread around the province. Delighted, we asked him to tell us how to get to the one closest to town. "Closest" turned out to be a few hours away, and deep in the jungle.
The complex was massive, with an enormous earthen rampart (citadel wall) and elevated road leading up to it. The walls were nearly 7m (20+ feet high above the jungle floor). Here we are walking on top the wall, with a drop-off on either side.
Inside the walls was an enormous moat system, shown here with trees that don't mind their
roots a bit wet, growing in the middle. Read the full article and see more beautiful pictures at Fish Egg Tree.