A Change of Guard

សូមស្តាប់វិទ្យុសង្គ្រោះជាតិ Please read more Khmer news and listen to CNRP Radio at National Rescue Party. សូមស្តាប់វីទ្យុខ្មែរប៉ុស្តិ៍/Khmer Post Radio.
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Saturday, 2 August 2014

Deputy opposition leader Kem Sokha and 7 opposition parliamentarians re-summoned to appear before Phnom Penh Court បេក្ខជនជាប់ឆ្នោតជាតំណាងរាស្រ្តCNRP៧រូប ត្រូវបានកោះហៅសាកសួរជាថ្មី​

ដោយ៖​ ស៊ុន ណារិន​ | ថ្ងៃសុក្រ ទី1 សីហា 2014

លោកស្រី មូរ សុខហួរ បេក្ខជនជាប់ឆ្នោតតំណាងរាស្រ្តគណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិ ដែលត្រូវបានតុលាការកោះហៅសាជាថ្មី
បេក្ខជន​ជាប់ឆ្នោត​ជា​តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​CNRP ៧​រូប រួម​នឹង​អនុប្រធាន​គណបក្ស លោក កឹម សុខា ត្រូវ​បាន​កោះហៅ​សាកសួរ​ជាថ្មី ករណី​ហិង្សា​នៅក្បែរ​ទីលាន​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​។​
​ការកោះហៅ​នេះ ធ្វើឡើង​ស្របពេល​ដែល​គណបក្ស​នយោបាយ​ទាំងពីរ កំពុងតែ​ចរចា​លើ​កំណែទម្រង់​មួយចំនួន តាម​កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង​នយោបាយ​កាលពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២២​ខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៤​។ តែ​ភាគី​ទាំងពីរ កំពុងតែ​ខ្វែងគំនិត​ក្នុង​មួយ​ចំនួន​លើ​អភ័យឯកសិទ្ធិ​ជា​តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​សម្រាប់​សមាជិក​គជប​។​
​មន្ត្រី​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ និង​ជា​កូនស្រី​លោក កឹម សុខា សរសេរ​នៅលើ​ហ្វេ​សប៊ុក​ថា បេក្ខជន​ជាប់ឆ្នោត​ជា​តំណាងរាស្ត្រ​CNRP ៧​រូប រួម​នឹង លោក កឹម សុខា ត្រូវបាន​តុលាការ​កោះហៅ ដើម្បី​សាកសួរ​។​
លោកស្រី មូរ សុខហួរ បេក្ខជនជាប់ឆ្នោតតំណាងរាស្រ្ត ប្រាប់VODនៅរសៀលថ្ងៃសុក្រនេះថា លោកស្រី រួមនឹងបេក្ខជនជាប់ឆ្នោតតំណាង​រាស្រ្ត​៦រូបទៀត និងលោក អឿ ណារិទ្ធិ សកម្មជនគណបក្ស ក៏ត្រូវបានកោះហៅសាកសួរនៅថ្ងៃទី១១ខែសីហា វេលា​ម៉ោង​៨ព្រឹក។ លោកស្រីបន្តថា នេះមិនមែនជារឿងភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលទេ គឺតុលាការគ្រាន់តែដំណើរតាមនីតិវិធីប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ លោក​ស្រីថា នេះមិនមែនជារឿងដែលបណ្តាលមកពីការចរចាបច្ចុប្បន្ន​ខ្វែងគំនិតគ្នានោះទេ ហើយលោកស្រី ក៏មិន​គិតថាជារឿងគំរាមកំហែងដែរ។ ប៉ុន្តែលោកស្រីចាត់ទុកនេះជានីតិវិធីខុសតាំងពីដើមមក។
លោកស្រីបញ្ជាក់ទៀតថា មេធាវីរបស់លោកស្រី បានព្យាយាមសុំតុលាការមើលឯកសា​រមួយចំនួនកា​ល​ពីចុង​ខែកក្កដា តែតុលាការថានឹងអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យមើលនៅដើមខែសីហានេះ។
​ដីកា​កោះ ចុះហត្ថលេខា​ដោយ​ចៅក្រម​ស៊ើបសួរ លោក កែវ មុនី ថ្ងៃទី​៣១​ខែកក្កដា ឲ្យដឹងថា តុលាការ អញ្ជើញ​ឈ្មោះ​កឹម សុខា អាយុ​៦១​ឆ្នាំ ជា​អ្នកទទួលខុសត្រូវ​ក្នុងនាម​ជា​មេដឹកនាំ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ​ឲ្យចូល​បំភ្លឺ​នៅ​សាលា​ដំបូងថ្ង​ស​ទី​១១​ខែ​សីហា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៤ វេលា​ម៉ោង​១០​ព្រឹក​។ 

Friday, 1 August 2014

Kem Sokha summoned to court again over violent clash [Is Hun Sen negotiating on the one hand and pointing guns at the CNRP's heads on the other hand?]

Give our kids a better deal
PHNOM PENH (The Cambodia Herald) -- The Phnom Penh Municipal Court asked vice president of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) to reappear at the court on August 11st  over the violent clash last month. 


The subpoena was issued Thursday by a Phnom Penh investigating judge Keo Mony, and was obtained by the CNRP on the same day. 



Kem Sokha appeared at the court on July 25 in the name of CNRP's vice president. 



During the hearing, the judge asked Sokha where he was when the violent protest occurred at the Freedom Park, and he replied he was in Kampong Cham province, and later was allowed to leave the court.

Phnom Penh Court summons Kem Sokha and seven opposition lawmakers-elect and one activist តុលាការ​កោះ​ហៅ​លោក កឹម សុខា និង​សមាជិក​៨​នាក់​ទៀត​ចូល​បំភ្លឺ​ជា​ថ្មី​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​១១​សីហា

កឹម សុខា ៦១០
លោក កឹម សុខា អនុប្រធាន​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះជាតិ នៅ​មុខ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី ២៥ ខែ​កក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ២០១៤។
RFA/Tin Zakariya
សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ បាន​កោះ​ហៅ​សមាជិក​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ចំនួន ៩​នាក់ ក្នុង​នោះ​មាន លោក កឹម សុខា ផង ឲ្យ​ចូល​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​បំភ្លឺ​នៅ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ សីហា ខាង​មុខ សាកសួរ​អំពី​ការ​ដឹក​នាំ​ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៥ កក្កដា នោះ។
ការ​កោះ​ហៅ​នេះ អ្នក​ឃ្លាំ​មើល​ផ្នែក​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស និង​អ្នក​វិភាគ សម្ដែង​ការ​ភ្ញាក់​ផ្អើល នៅ​ពេល​គណបក្ស​ទាំង​ពីរ​ចរចា​ជា​កញ្ចប់ ដើម្បី​បញ្ចប់​ជម្លោះ​នយោបាយ និង​ដោះ​លែង​បេក្ខជន​តំណាង​រាស្ត្រ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ឲ្យ​នៅ​ក្រៅ​ឃុំ​វិញ កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២២ កក្កដា តែ​ឥឡូវ​បែរ​ជា​តុលាការ​កោះ​ហៅ​សាកសួរ​វិញ ដែល​គេ​ចាត់​ទុក​ថា តុលាការ​ជា​ឧបករណ៍​របស់​អ្នក​នយោបាយ។
សមាជិក​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ចំនួន ៩​រូប ក្នុង​នោះ​មាន​ទាំង លោក កឹម សុខា ផង នឹង​ចូល​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​បំភ្លឺ​នៅ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ សីហា តាម​ដីកា​កោះ​របស់​តុលាការ​ទាក់ទង និង​សំណុំ​រឿង​ចាស់ កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១៥ កក្កដា ចំពោះ​ការ​ដឹក​នាំ​ធ្វើ​បាតុកម្ម​នៅ​ក្បែរ​ទីលាន​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។
ចៅក្រម​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ លោក កែវ មុនី ចេញ​ដីកា​កោះ​ហៅ លោក កឹម សុខា ជា​អ្នក​ទទួល​ខុស​ត្រូវ​ក្នុង​នាម​ជា​មេ​ដឹក​នាំ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ឲ្យ​ចូល​ខ្លួន​ទៅ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ វេលា​ម៉ោង ១០​ព្រឹក ដើម្បី​សួរ​បញ្ជាក់​បន្ថែម​ក្នុង​នាម​ខ្លួន​ជា​មេ​ដឹក​នាំ​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ។
លោក កឹម សុខា ចាត់​ទុក​ការ​កោះ​ហៅ​របស់​ចៅក្រម​នេះ​ជា​រឿង​នយោបាយ ពីព្រោះ​លោក​បញ្ជាក់​ថា កាល​ពី​លោក​ចូល​ខ្លួន​នៅ​សាលា​ដំបូង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ​នោះ ចៅក្រម​សួរ​លោក​តែ​មួយ​សំណួរ​ទេ ហើយ​ក៏​ប្រាប់​ថា តុលាការ​បញ្ចប់​សំណុំ​រឿង​របស់​លោក ព្រោះ​លោក​គ្មាន​អ្វី​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​ទេ៖ «សំឡេង»។
ដោយ​ឡែក​បេក្ខជន​តំណាង​រាស្ត្រ​ជាប់​ឆ្នោត​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ ៧​រូប និង​សមាជិក​គណបក្ស​នេះ​មួយ​រូប​ទៀត ក៏​ត្រូវ​តុលាការ​កោះ​ហៅ​ទៅ​សាកសួរ​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ កក្កដា ដែរ។

The two parties to jointly discuss about the draft amendment to the constitution បក្ស​ទាំង​ពីរ​នឹង​ពិភាក្សា​លើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​វិសោធន​កម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​រួម​គ្នា

ហ៊ុន សែន ៦១០
ថ្នាក់​ដឹក​នាំ​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា ដឹក​នាំ​ដោយ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន (កណ្ដាល) ក្នុង​កិច្ច​ប្រជុំ​ចរចា​រវាង​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា និង​គណបក្ស​សង្គ្រោះ​ជាតិ នា​រដ្ឋសភា កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី១៦ ខែ​កញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ​២០១៣។
RFA/Mom Sophon
លោក​ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ស ខេង និង​ជា​មន្ត្រី​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា បាន​ផ្ញើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​មក​គណបក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ​វិញ​ហើយ អំពី​ការ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ ដែល​សំដៅ​ដល់​ការ​ដាក់​ស្ថាប័ន​រៀប​ចំ​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ជា​ស្ថាប័ន​ធម្មនុញ្ញ​នោះ។
មន្ត្រី​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​គណបក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ និង​ជា​ប្រធាន​ក្រុម​ការងារ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ លោក អេង ឆៃអ៊ាង ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា នៅ​ព្រឹក​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​៣១ កក្កដា​នេះ លោក ស ខេង បាន​ផ្ញើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​មក​គណបក្ស សង្រ្គោះជាតិ​វិញ។ លោក​បញ្ជាក់​ថា​ក្រុម​ការងារ​គណបក្ស​ទាំងពីរ​នឹង​ជួប​គ្នា​នៅ​រសៀល​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១សី ហា ដើម្បី​ពិភាក្សា​គ្នា​អំពី​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ទាំងពីរ ក្នុង​ការ​ធ្វើ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​នេះ​រួម​គ្នា។
នៅ​ក្នុង​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​របស់​គណបក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ ផ្ញើ​ទៅ​លោក ស ខេង កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​៣០ កក្កដា នោះ គឺ​គណបក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ ចង់​ធ្វើ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ មាត្រា ៧៦ និង​បង្កើត​ជំពូក​ទី ១៥​ថ្មី នៃ​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​អំពី​អង្គការ​រៀបចំ​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត ក្នុង​នោះ​ទាមទារ​ឲ្យ​សមាជិក​កំពូល គ.ជ.ប មាន អភ័យឯកសិទ្ធិ មាន​ថវិកា​ស្វ័យភាព​របស់​ខ្លួន​ជាដើម។
នៅ​ក្នុង​លិខិត​របស់​លោក ឧបនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ស ខេង ឆ្លើយ​តប​ទៅ​លោក សម រង្ស៊ី ជា​ប្រធាន​គណ​បក្ស​សង្រ្គោះជាតិ​វិញ​នោះ គឺ​លោក​យោង​ទៅ​លើ​សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា កាលពីថ្ងៃទី២២កក្កដា ដែល​គណបក្ស​ទាំង​ពីរ​ធ្លាប់​បាន​ពិភាក្សា​គ្នា ហើយ​មិន​ត្រូវ​រ៉ូវ​គ្នា​នោះ។ នៅ​ក្នុង សេចក្ដី​ព្រាង​របស់​គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា អំពី​ការ​ធ្វើ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ មាត្រា​៧៦​នេះ មិន បាន​បញ្ជាក់​អំពី សមាជិក​គ.ជ.ប ដាក់​ឲ្យ​មាន​អភ័យ​ឯកសិទ្ធិ​នោះ​ឡើយ និង​មាន​ករណី​ជា​ច្រើន​ទៀត ដែល​ខុស​គ្នា។
ទោះ​បី​ជា​យ៉ាង​នេះ​ក្ដី លោក អេង ឆៃអ៊ាង អះអាង​ថា លោក​មាន​ជំនឿ​ថា គណបក្ស​ទាំងពីរ​នឹង​មាន ចំណុច​រួម​ក្នុង​ការ​ធ្វើ​វិសោធនកម្ម​រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ​នេះ នៅ​ក្នុង​កិច្ច​ពិភាក្សា​នៅ​រសៀល​ថ្ងៃ​ទី ១សីហានេះ។ លោក​បន្ថែម​ថា លទ្ធផល​យ៉ាងណា​នោះ នឹង​រង់​ចាំ​មើល​ការ​ជួប​គ្នា​ជាក់ស្ដែង​ទៀត៕

Rainsy Sends Draft Constitution Chapter to Government


Sam Rainsy (L) shakes hand with Hun Sen as Sar Kheng looks on.

BY MECH DARA AND ALEX WILLEMYNS | AUGUST 1, 2014 

CNRP President Sam Rainsy has sought to circumvent the methodical “working groups” established to finalize the details of the deal struck with Prime Minister Hun Sen last week by sending his own draft reforms to the government for approval.
Mr. Hun Sen and Mr. Rainsy on July 22 forged a deal for the CNRP’s 55 lawmakers to end their boycott of the National Assembly in exchange for an overhaul of the election commission, which the opposition party accuses of helping to rig last year’s election.
Three working groups then began negotiating the final details of the deal’s reforms, but two of the three adjourned until today and Monday, leading to accusations from Mr. Rainsy that the ruling CPP was stalling his party’s swearing-in.
He said Thursday that in order to bypass the tardy groups, he had sent Interior Minister Sar Kheng his own draft of a new constitutional chapter that enshrines the financial autonomy of a new “election organization” and gives its members immunity from prosecution.
“The final technical commissions are too slow, so we have to use a different procedure. This is why we took the initiative to write directly and expose directly on the table what we—[CNRP Vice President] Kem Sokha—and I, propose,” Mr. Rainsy said.
“The ball is in the CPP’s court, because we are waiting for a final reply. If the CPP agrees to our latest proposal…the way is cleared for our going to the swearing-in ceremony.”
Mr. Kheng, speaking to reporters at a governance ceremony at the Phnom Penh Hotel Thursday morning, confirmed he received Mr. Rainsy’s draft chapter and was reviewing it.

Mu Sochua's message to supporters

Dear friends and compatriots,

No one would disagree that the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces should not be under Hun Sen. Not even the police forces. 

What is the situation we have to deal with: from dictatorship to democracy and rule of law.


Here is the fact:

I went to prison with other MPs. We face the army, the police, the hired security guards during the months of protests. We have seen and heard from these forces' mouths and through their eyes that they are not with Hun Sen. Our soldiers and police want change and they voted for change.

The police men who arrested us at Freedom Park and those who handcuffed us had tears in their eyes. The one who handcuffed me and interrogated me said with tears rolling down his cheeks: my conscience tells me that I am wrong. It hurts me to see you handcuffed but I must follow orders. We all have to follow orders or we risk being punished very severely.

In July 2013,, these forces voted for change. That is the first step. The next step is:  Pay them decently. Train them properly. Recognize those who deserve merits. This also goes to the civil servants.

In the deal, CNRP has the Anti-Corruption Commissions and 4 others. As chairs we can investigate cases, we can issue independent reports, we bring the voices of the people into the parliament, we move towards reforms of national institutions.

It is a slow process but this process will set the ground for democracy and for transition for power sharing and moving to new power when we will go to the next elections by avoiding bloodshed.

Wishing that Hun Sen go away silently and willingly at this point is only a wish, until we move strategically:

Set the rules for free and fair elections. We have come half way thru the agreement; set the rules for the Loyal Opposition to function inside the National Assembly. Mr. Sam Rainsy is now a representative of the people and Leader of the Loyal Opposition. We chair 5 Commissions in Parliament. They are in the social sectors, and the most heated issues concern social justice.

We need to think long-term gains and formulate our strategies according to a time frame. 

Rethinking Cambodia’s Reconciliation Process

Rethinking Cambodia’s Reconciliation Process
Image Credit: REUTERS/Stringer
There is much Cambodia can learn from the current crisis in Thailand about how political polarization can plunge the country into chaos. Despite the junta’s initiatives, politicians, scholars and the Thai public remain pessimistic about the chances of people of all political stripes living harmoniously under the one roof again.
Divisive politics are used by political parties around the world to advance their ambitions. It is a dangerous approach. If fragmentation becomes entrenched to the point where a majority of people can no longer tolerate differences in values, beliefs or opinions, restoring unity to the country becomes difficult, if not impossible.
Since the return of multiparty elections in 1993, Cambodia’s politics has been characterized by political deadlock. The one exception was the 2008 election, in which the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won a landslide victory. It normally takes months before the winning parties are able to hammer out a deal and end the usual postelection crisis. And politicians usually cite national reconciliation and unity as the main reason behind their decisions.
What is interesting about this reconciliation process is that it almost exclusively involves the political parties, with voters often left out of the talks. There may be good reason for this – after all, engaging too many people will delay the process or even make a deal impossible. But the downside of this process is that it is attracts widespread public scepticism. Every decision that the parties make comes under scrutiny. And if there is any sign that politicians will personally benefit from the deal, the whole reconciliation process is thrown into doubt.
This raises an important question as to whether the top-down approach is still relevant to Cambodia’s current political landscape. Of course, ending the deadlock remains essential, but it should be seen as the beginning of a long road to resolving the problem of political polarization. Politicians have to understand that simply reconciling their differences won’t necessarily bring their respective supporters together. In many cases, even if they are able to seal a deal, voters remain deeply suspicious of the opposing side.
The growing public discontent directed at Cambodia’s political parties clearly reflects this view. To achieve true reconciliation, then, the process must be extended to include everyone, regardless of political affiliation. This does not necessarily suggest that the public needs to be involved in every step of the deadlock negotiation, but Cambodians should have more say in deciding the future direction of the country.
This is no easy task. The parties need to go beyond their narrow definition of political reconciliation and embrace a long-term, nationwide solution. The most urgent task for the government right now is to rebuild public trust in political institutions, which is worryingly lacking in Cambodia. Violence will ensue if people no longer believe that they can solve their problems through formal political channels.
The latest bloody clash between riot police and opposition supporters on July 15, 2014 was a stark reminder of why it is so important for the government to address the problem of the deficit of trust if it is to prevent the country from becoming more politically polarized. Political leaders must work together to reduce tensions instead of playing the blame game over who is responsible for this violent incident.

Give the deal a chance

Regarding the Phnom Penh Post article "Agreement a tough sell" published on July 24: It takes guts and wisdom for a leader to go sometimes against the tide of public opinion, especially that of his own supporters.
Here are a few examples:
• Charles de Gaulle in June 1940, when he called on the French to resist the German invasion while the majority followed Petain, who then struck a compromise with Hitler.

• Mitterrand in 1981, when he abolished the death penalty in France while the majority of the French people favoured capital punishment.
Here it took guts for Sam Rainsy to enter into a deal with Hun Sen, who has a history of harassing him.
After all, if the July 22, 2014, agreement is faithfully applied, the most important demand of the opposition – the overhaul of the National Election Committee – will be achieved and the next elections will be fair and acceptable to all parties.
It is not forbidden to hope that Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy will show mature statesmanship and travel together a portion of the road toward national reconciliation and Cambodian territorial integrity.
Chum Sirath
Phnom Penh

Cambodia and Western Fabrication of History

Propaganda and Punitive Invasions

personal communication mobile of Pol Pot,  at Anlong Veng at

Personal communication mobile of Pol Pot, at Anlong Veng.
by ANDRE VLTCHEK
Courtesy of CounterPunch.
As we enter the small city of Anlong Veng in the Dângrêk Mountains, located in the northwest of Cambodia, it begins to rain. The rain is powerful, but it is, after all a tropical rain, and it ends as unexpectedly as it begins.
We drive over the bridge, over some sort of dam, and suddenly, there is a beautiful but eerie lake in front of us.
“Just few years ago, this was the last stronghold of Khmer Rouge”, explained my friend, Song Heang. “Then, it was impossible to drive here just like that. There were no houses around. And the lake was like a swamp, impossible to cross.”
We drove all the way here, to visit the compound of the last military leaders of the Khmer Rouge, Ta Mok, the military chief, known as “Brother Number Five” or “the Butcher”. This is where he lived and this is where he commanded his troops from.
Ta Mok, the right hand of Pol Pot. Ta Mok, who split the movement, put Pol Pot under house arrest and most likely poisoned him. Ta Mok who commanded the army of several thousand Khmer Rouge loyalists, between 1979, when the Vietnamese forces ousted his movement from power, until 1999, when he was captured by government forces. Ta Mok died in custody in 2006, without ever being properly tried, or sentenced.
Ta Mok’s personal security man, his bodyguard who lived with him for years, San Reoung, is expecting us.
He is missing his left leg, and that is common among Cambodian civilians and combatants of his age. Ta Mok also lost one leg in the fighting.
There is actually only one thing that I want to know: how Communist was the Khmer Rouge, and was it the ideology, the Marxist ideology, that drew farmers to the ranks of the movement?
San Reoung thinks for a while, then replies, weighing each word:
“It was really not about the ideology… We did not know much about it. I was, for instance, very angry with the Americans. I became a soldier at the age of 17. And my friends were very angry, too. They joined Khmer Rouge to fight Americans, and especially the corruption of their puppet dictator Lon Nol, in Phnom Penh.”
Were people in the countryside aware of what was going on in the capital, before KR took power?
“Of course they were. The US gave so much support, so much money, to the corrupt Lon Nol regime. Everybody knew where it all went to: to countless lavish parties, to fancy prostitutes… The US bombed our countryside to the ground. Hundreds of thousands of people died. People went mad, they were indignant. And so many of them joined Khmer Rouge as a result.”
“Not because of Marxist ideology?” I asked again.

Little time left for aging Khmer Rouge to face justice


Former Khmer Rouge president Khieu Samphan, 83, sits in Cambodian court on Wednesday. He faces accusations relating to genocide and forced marriages. (Reuters)

TU THANH HA

When the Khmer Rouge took power in 1975 and started their violent bid to create an agrarian Communist utopia, thousands of Vietnamese still lived in Cambodia, had married ethnic Khmers and started families.
The Vietnamese parents were killed. So were their children, as well as children of mixed marriages whose mothers were Vietnamese. If the mother was Khmer, the children were spared.

MORE RELATED TO THIS STORY



The reason some children were murdered and others not, according to witnesses who spoke to genocide investigators, was because the Khmer Rouge wanted to get rid of those who had shared the umbilical blood and drunk the breast milk of Vietnamese women.
Such twisted logic will be scrutinized in upcoming months with the start in Phnom Penh of Case 002/02, the second criminal trial of the highest-ranking surviving Khmer Rouge leaders.
The two cases deal with one of the most horrific episodes of the past century, a tragedy so sweeping that it depopulated Cambodia and left its traumatized survivors still struggling with its emotional toll. After years of wrangling over mandate and funding, a special tribunal of local and international judges started to hear evidence in 2009. Only one man has been convicted so far. The youngest of the defendants and some of the victims in the remaining cases are in their 80s, meaning that the opportunity to bring justice to Cambodia is fading.
This time the main defendants are Nuon Chea, 88 and the most senior surviving Khmer Rouge leader, and Khieu Samphan, who turned 83 this week. They face accusations relating to genocide, forced marriages, mistreatment of Buddhist monks and the brutal conditions at eight security centres and work sites. The trial began Wednesday.
The two men have already been on trial for two years on charges of crimes against humanity resulting from the forced resettlement of the population of the capital, Phnom Penh, and the mass executions of military prisoners.
“The new trial … is important on a symbolic level since it includes the charge of genocide. And historically, it encompasses a much broader range of events than did [the previous trial],” said Alex Hinton, director of Rutgers University’s Center for the Study of Genocide and Human Rights.
In the background, Prof. Hinton said, are concerns over whether the tribunal will proceed to trial with two more cases – known as Cases 003 and 004 – that deal with a lower tier of commanders. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who is a former Khmer Rouge cadre, has repeatedly objected to further prosecutions.
The verdict in the previous trial, known as Case 002/01, is set to be handed down Aug. 7. Because of their poor health, the defendants sometimes fell asleep during that first trial even as victims were testifying about the horrors of the Khmer Rouge era.
“Assessing the whole spectrum of the charges in Case 002 remains unlikely due to the health and age-related concerns of the co-accused,” the tribunal’s Supreme Court Chamber acknowledged Tuesday in rejecting an appeal by Mr. Khieu.

Authority in Battambang protects Vietnamese who are digging for treasures under people's house សមត្ថកិច្ចការពារយួនឲ្យជីករកកំណប់នៅក្រោមផ្ទះប្រជាជននៅបាត់ដំបង!









Listen to this novice's great "smot" មិនមានអីនិយាយទេ សូមជួយស្តាប់ហើយ ចែកបន្តរផង បើគិតថាអ្នកពេញចិត្ត




A film about the Khmer Rouge conference in 1976


Miss Thy Sovantha visits land grab victims in Lorpeang village in Kampong Chhnang




Cambodia in 1937 សូមមើលអតីតកាលកម្ពុជាឆ្នាំ១៩៣៧ទំាងអស់គ្នា




Miss Thy Savantha visits a Vietnamese enclave in Kampong Chhnang province




The battle to control Ta Krabey temple between Cambodian and Thai troops សមរភូមិប្រយុទ្ធរវាងថៃនិងកម្ពុជា ថៃយកប្រាសាទតាក្របីធ្វើជាលានដ្ឋាន

Cambodian and Thai troops fought over the control of Ta Krabey temple in around 2011. Here, Thai soldiers are seen to be using the temple as their base in which to attack Cambodian troops.



Cambodian Defense Delegation Visits Thailand Amid Tensions

Earlier this week, Cambodia’s deputy prime minister and defense minister paid a visit to neighboring Thailand to strengthen military ties between the two countries. Thailand experienced a coup in May of this year that has left the country under the rule of a military junta, led by General Prayuth Chan-ocha. The Cambodian delegation was led by Defense Minister General Tea Banh who met with a variety of Thai military leaders, including Supreme Commander Thanasak Patimaprakon and General Prayuth. The visit marks the first high-level military meeting between the two countries since the Thai military seized power in May. The visit takes place amid accusations from Thailand that Cambodia is harboring anti-junta activists.
According to The Cambodia Daily, the Cambodian delegation expressed its confidence in the leadership of the Thai military junta, stating that they believed that the military will bring “peace and order” to Thailand and that Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, “understands the situation in Thailand very well.” Banh told the Cambodian media that the two sides discussed military cooperation without providing details about what specific topics were discussed. The Cambodian delegation also raised the issue of migrant workers.

Daily CNRP TV's broadcast 31/7/14 កម្មវិធីព័ត៌មានប្រចាំថ្ងៃរបស់ទូរទស្សន៍សង្គ្រោះជាតិ




Thursday, 31 July 2014

CNRP’s wish list for NEC narrows

The opposition is eyeing two leading civil society figures and deputy party leader Kem Sokha’s daughter to fill the three remaining slots the party holds on the nine-member National Election Committee, according to a high-level party source.
Cambodia National Rescue Party lawmaker-elect Kuoy Bunroeun has already been confirmed to take up one spot on the committee after vacating his parliamentary seat on Monday to make way for party leader Sam Rainsy, who was barred from running during last year’s poll.
The NEC is being overhauled as part of a deal struck last week between the ruling Cambodian People’s Party and the CNRP that saw the opposition agree to end its long-standing parliamentary boycott.
Four members of the revamped election body will be appointed by each party and both sides have already agreed that Pung Chhiv Kek, president of human rights group Licadho, will be the ninth “consensus” member, though she laid out detailed conditions she wants fulfilled beforehand in an interview with the Post yesterday.

Kek the independent

A senior CNRP official who requested anonymity said yesterday that the party was considering Koul Panha, director of elections watchdog Comfrel; Yeng Virak, executive director of the Community Legal Education Center (CLEC); and CNRP deputy public affairs head Kem Monovithya for the remaining three positions.
“It is 99 per cent [certain] that these four people will be the NEC members, because they possess clear skills in electoral affairs. No one would be able to order them to do what they wish, and the party has confidence in them,” the source said.
Monovithya, 32, also confirmed she was being considered as a candidate, but said “nothing has been decided yet”.
“The CNRP has asked me if I would be interested. I am still considering.”
Monovithya, who assumed her current position in April last year, has a master’s degree ineconomics from the US and worked for the World Bank in Washington before joining the CNRP, which was formed when her father’s Human Rights Party merged with the Sam Rainsy Party before the 2013 election.
From 2003 to 2009, she worked in Cambodia for various NGOs and the Human Rights Party.

Cambodia's Koh Songsaa (Sweetheart Island) កោះសង្សារ




Kek the independent លោកស្រី ពុង ឈីវកេក ​នឹង​បើក​ក្តោង​កាត់​រលក​ស៊ូណាមិ


When a deal to end Cambodia's political deadlock hinged on two polarised political parties finding one person they could both tolerate, not many names sprung to mind.
One that did was Pung Chhiv Kek, the now outgoing president of rights group Licadho who was able to bring then King Norodom Sihanouk and Prime Minister Hun Sen together for talks all the way back in 1987.
Selected as the on independent member of a new National Election Committee that will included four members of the opposition and four from the government, she will effectively hold the balance of power over this crucial institution.
Kek sat down with State of Play and told us about her hopes and worries.


លោកស្រី​ ពុង ឈាវកេក​នឹង​លាលែង​ចេញ​ពី​ដំណែង​ជា​ប្រធាន​អង្គការ​លីកាដូ​នៅ​ពេល​ដែល​លោកស្រី​នឹង​ចូល​កាន់​ដំណែង​ពេញ​សិទ្ធ​ជា​សមាជិក​ទី៩​នៃ​ស្ថាប័ន​គ.ជ.ប។ លោកស្រី​សម្រេច​បែប​នេះ​ដើម្បី​ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ប្រាកដ​ថា​នឹង​មិនមាន​ទំនាស់​ផល​ប្រយោជន៍​ណា​មួយ​នៅ​ពេល​ដែល​លោកស្រី​បំពេញ​បេសកម្ម​ដ៏​មាន​សារសំខាន់​នេះ​។
លោកស្រី​ពុង ឈាវកេក គឺ​ជា​ស្ត្រី​អភិជន​មួយ​រូប​ដែល​ជន​រួមជាតិ​ទទួល​ស្គាល់​ថា​បាន​ចួលរួម​ចំណែក​យ៉ាង​សកម្ម​ក្នុង​ការ​នាំ​សន្ធិសញ្ញា​សន្តិភាព​ក្រុងប៉ារីស​ជូន​ដល់​កម្ពុជា​ និង​បាន​បូជា​ស៊ឹងតែ​មួយ​ជីវិត​របស់​លោក​ស្រី​ដើម្បី​ដឹកនាំ​ពង្រឹង​ការ​អនុវត្តន៍​សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស​នៅ​កម្ពុជា​។
មនុស្ស​ជា​ច្រើន​ជឿថា​លោកស្រី​គឺ​ជា​បុគ្គល​ស័ក្ដិសម​បំផុត​ក្នុងការ​ទទួល​ធ្វើជា​សមាសភាព​ទី​៩​នៃ​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​ជាតិ​រៀបចំ​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ (គ.ជ.ប) យ៉ាង​ហោចណាស់​សម្រាប់​អាណត្តិ​ទី៦ ដើម្បី​ឈាន​ដល់​ការ​បញ្ចប់​ការ​ជាប់​គាំង​នយោបាយ​ដែល​តែងតែ​កើត​មាន​ជា​ដ៏រាប​បន្ទាប់​ពី​ការ​បោះឆ្នោត​ជាតិ​។
លោកស្រី ពុង ឈីវកេក៖ បើ គជប ថ្មីនេះមិនមានការកែប្រែទេ ខ្ញុំនឹងលាលែងពីតំណែង (វីដេអូ)

My Cham Temple-City in Ratanakiri, Cambodia


By Adam Bray 

While in Ratanakiri (northeastern Cambodia) on assignment last month, I took a day off and asked me guide to show me some things that were "off the radar." I told him that I was especially interested in ancient temple complexes. My guide consulted an elder Jarai man who told him that he knew about a dozen undocumented temple ruins spread around the province. Delighted, we asked him to tell us how to get to the one closest to town. "Closest" turned out to be a few hours away, and deep in thejungle.






The complex was massive, with an enormous earthen rampart (citadel wall) and elevated road leading up to it. The walls were nearly 7m (20+ feet high above the jungle floor). Here we are walking on top the wall, with a drop-off on either side.





Inside the walls was an enormous moat system, shown here with trees that don't mind their roots a bit wet, growing in the middle. Read the full article and see more beautiful pictures at Fish Egg Tree.